PERRYSCOPE
Perry Diaz
Perry Diaz
For the past 40 years several attempts have
been made to create an autonomous government for the Filipino Muslims in
Mindanao. In 1975,
representatives of the Philippine government and the rebel Moro National
Liberation Front (MNLF) met in Jeddah, Saudi Arabia to discuss MNLF’s demand
for autonomy. Consequently,
the “Tripoli Agreement,” which called for the establishment of an autonomous
region in the Southern Philippines, was signed.
But in an attempt to derail the negotiations,
the Marcos administration insisted that the local population of the region –
which included the Christian majority – should make the decision through a
plebiscite. The plebiscite, held in April 1977, rejected the Tripoli
Agreement; thus, denying the MNLF’s aspirations for a “homeland” of their
own. The MNLF refused to
accept the results of the plebiscite and the civil war continued.
The failed attempt to establish a Muslim
autonomous region led to a split in the MNLF. A splinter group, called the Moro
Islamic Liberation Front (MILF), broke away from the MNLF. The MILF’s mission was to create an
independent and sovereign nation carved out of Mindanao, which they claimed to
be their “ancestral domain.”
In 1979, Marcos created the “Regional
Autonomous Government in the Western and Central Mindanao” through the rubber-stamp BatasanPambansa (National Assembly). But that, too, failed to take
off.
In 1989, during the presidency of Cory
Aquino, the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM) was created through
Republic Act No. 6734 in pursuance with the new 1987 Constitution, which
mandated to provide for an autonomous region in Muslim Mindanao. A
plebiscite was held and only four provinces – Lanaodel Sur, Maguindanao, Sulu,
and Tawi-Tawi – voted to join ARMM.
FVR’s
peace initiative
In 1996, President Fidel V. Ramos (FVR) and
MNLF leader NurMisuari – who was elected ARMM’s third governor that year --
signed a peace agreement, known as the “Final Peace Agreement.” It ended the
24-year secessionist war. The
57-member Organization of Islamic Conference (OIC) recognized the Misuari-led
MNLF faction; however, the MILF opposed the peace agreement and continued the
fight for an independent ancestral domain.
But instead of fighting the MILF, FVR pursued
an all-out peace, allowing the MILF to hold territories. He even constructed a highway that ran
deep into MILF territory including Camp Abubakar, the MILF’s
headquarters. But the
highway also improved the government forces an easy access to the MILF fronts.
Erap’s
folly
In March 2000, President Joseph “Erap” Estrada,
FVR’s successor, declared an all-out war against the MILF. He attacked and captured Camp
Abubakar. However, he
failed to stop the insurgency. The
MILF merely changed it strategy and went into guerilla warfare.
On January 20, 2001, Erap was deposed in a
sham “people power” revolution staged by supporters of Erap’s vice president,
Gloria Macapagal Arroyo. Upon
assuming the presidency, Gloria pursued a different tact.
On March 24, 2001, the Arroyo administration
and the MILF agreed to resume peace negotiations mediated by Malaysia,
Indonesia, and Libya. On
June 22, the two parties’ representatives signed the “Tripoli Peace
Agreement.” On August 7,
they signed a formal ceasefire agreement, which ended the war that Erap waged
at a high cost: Nearly one million displaced and 70,000 killed.
Gloria’s
gambit
In my article, “What Price Peace” (September 9, 2008), I wrote: “In her fervent desire to have
peace in Mindanao, President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo went to the extent of
secretly forging an agreement that would virtually cede a huge portion of
Philippine territory to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF). The treaty
would have expanded the present Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (ARMM)
into a virtual state within a state replete with all the functions and
authority of a sovereign and independent state.
“But, in a twist of fate, the day
before the signing of a Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD)
last August 5, 2008 in Malaysia, the Supreme Court issued a temporary
restraining order in response to several petitions claiming that the treaty was
unconstitutional. What followed next was a tragedy of error that cost lives and
property in Mindanao.
“In the aftermath of the public uproar
over the attempt to partition the country, Gloria decided to scrap the
controversial MOA-AD. She also dissolved the government’s peace panel
negotiating with the MILF. Basically, it’s back to square one for the peace
process. And, worst, Mindanao is now in a virtual state of war or, to be more
precise, a civil war between Muslim Filipinos and Christian Filipinos. In
reaction, MohaqherIqbal, the MILF’s chief peace negotiator declared, ‘The peace
process is now in purgatory.’ ”
P-Noy’s
secret deal
On August 4, 2011, Gloria’s successor,
President Benigno “P-Noy” Aquino III, left the country unannounced on a
“secret” mission to Tokyo, Japan where he met with MILF Chairman
MuradEbrahim. Their agenda: Ways to push the peace process forward.
On October 15, 2012, representatives of the
government and MILF signed a preliminary peace accord, the “Framework Agreement
on the Bangsamoro,” which called for the creation of an autonomous political
entity named “Bangsamoro.” It
would replace ARMM.
On March 27, 2014, the Philippine government
and the MILF signed the historic “Comprehensive Agreement on Bangsamoro”
(CAB). On September
10, 2014, P-Noy submitted to Congress the draft of the Bangsamoro Basic Law
(BBL), which would provide for the basic structure of the Bangsamoro autonomous
government. It would supersede
the existing Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM). Finally, peace was just around the
corner. And then all hell
broke loose!
On the wee hours of January 25, 2015, 44
members of the elite Special Action Force (SAF) were massacred in Mamasapano in
Maguindanao by joint forces of the MILF and the splinter group Bangsamoro Islamic Freedom Fighters
(BIFF). Many believe that
P-Noy should be held responsible for the massacre for ordering the nearby
military camp to stand down when the beleaguered SAF commandos radioed for
reinforcement, which begs the question: Why
did P-Noy order the military to stand down and leave the SAF commandos at the
mercy of the Muslim rebels? One
reason that has gained traction was that P-Noy didn’t want to jeopardize the establishment
of the autonomous Bangsamoro political entity and the passage of BBL, which is
pending in Congress. In an
effort to fast-track the creation of Bangsamoro to replace ARMM, P-Noy had been
saying that ARMM was a “failed experiment.”
Recipe
for failure
Not too long ago, the Philippine
Constitutional Association (Philconsa) released a 75-page position paper
claiming that the BBL bill was flawed and cluttered with unconstitutional
experimental features. But
assuming that Congress will approve BBL and P-Noy signs it into law, it is
expected that it will be challenged in the Supreme Court.
Surmise it to say, ARMM was a political
solution to an economic problem. The region is one of the most – if not
the most – impoverished regions in the Philippines. Long neglected by “Imperial Manila,”
its per capita is 75% lower than the national average. It is the lowest among the country’s
17 regions, and lower than the second lowest region by one-half. Its poverty incidence is almost twice
the national average. It is
the country’s poorest region, where the average annual income is less than
one-third of Manila’s level.
The records show that since the establishment
of ARMM in 1989, the Philippine government failed to infuse development funds
into the region; thus, perpetuating – if not worsening -- its dire economic
conditions.
If P-Noy were serious about achieving peace
in Mindanao, he should – nay, must – address the economic well-being of the
region. Simply put, he
cannot give autonomy to the Filipino Muslims and leave them to fend for
themselves.
At the end of the day, economic prosperity is
the surest guarantee that would preserve peace, and no peace plan in Mindanao
could succeed without uplifting the lives of the Muslims.
It’s time to break the chronology of failures.(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)
It’s time to break the chronology of failures.(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)
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