PERRYSCOPE
Perry Diaz
Perry Diaz
On the surface, many
would say the Republicans won the mid-term elections. But did they, really? It might sound loco – or crazy - to question who won the
elections last November 4, 2014. Of
course, the Republicans did, one might say. Didn’t the GOP wrest control of the
Senate from the Democrats? Yes. Didn’t the GOP win the biggest
majority of the House of Representatives in the last 100 years? Yes. Yet, when I asked a Republican friend
who won in the mid-term elections, his reply was: “The GOP didn’t lose, but it
didn’t win either.” Hmm…
Okay, I concede that
“the GOP didn’t lose” because it actually captured six seats it needed to take
control of the Senate. It
now has 52 seats. With
the runoff in Louisiana in December expected to go Republican, it would give
the GOP 53 seats in the upcoming 114th Congress in January 2015. But that’s not enough.
The way the Senate
works, a simple majority of 51 votes is not enough for a legislative bill to
muster passage. Senate
rules require a two-thirds super majority – or 67 votes -- to pass a bill if a
filibuster were mounted by the minority party. That’s what the Republicans did to
thwart Obama’s legislative agenda in the past four years.
Gridlock
Now, it’s payback time
for the Democrats in the Senate who would give the Republicans a dose of their
own medicine. And with the
power of filibuster, the Republicans would be at the mercy of the Democrats
just like it was when the Democrats were in the majority with the Republicans
filibustering every chance they had.
Yes, it would be
gridlock all over again… until either party captures 67 Senate seats just like
when the Democrats did in the 2008 when Obama rode to victory in the aftermath
of the financial meltdown during George W. Bush’s presidency. But the Democrats’ super majority
lasted for only two years when the Tea Party revolt took control of the
Republican Party in 2010, capturing the House and winning enough seats in the
Senate that allowed them to mount a filibuster on any bill they chose to
block.
With the anticipated
legislative gridlock come January, the Republicans know that their agenda for
the remaining “lame duck” years of the Obama presidency is not going
anywhere. They’d try to
wheel and deal with the conservative “blue dog” Democrats and get their bills
passed in both chambers and send them to Obama for his signature. But Obama’s veto power could derail
the Republicans, which begs the question: Could the Republicans muster the votes
needed to override a presidential veto? With
a two-thirds vote needed in both the House and the Senate to override a
presidential veto, the Republicans won’t make it to first base… unless they
could attract enough Democrats to go along in overriding Obama’s
veto.
But for the sake of
argument, let’s take a look at what’s on top of the Republicans’ agenda, which
are: (1) Repeal ObamaCare, (2) Lower taxes, and (3) Deregulation.
One needs to remember that
if ObamaCare were repealed, close to 40 million Americans would lose the health
insurance that ObamaCare had provided them. This is a huge
constituency that the Democrats would not abandon, particularly in presidential
elections.
When it comes to lowering
taxes, the Democrats believe that just like the Bush tax cuts in 2003, which
benefitted the wealthy Americans, any attempt to lower taxes in 2015 is
perceived as favoring the rich.
Regulation
vs. Deregulation
And last, but arguably
the most important, is deregulation. “Deregulation”
is the process of removing or reducing federal or state regulations in private
industries. It is the
opposite of regulation, which is the process of regulating certain activities
to conform or comply with government policies, such as banking
regulations. It would give
banks the authority to establish their own guidelines – without government
interference – in their lending practices. One doesn’t need to go very far back
in time to see the pitfalls of deregulation. If there was one culprit that caused
the financial meltdown of 2008, it was deregulation.
As a result of the
Bush deregulation of the financial industry, housing mortgage guidelines were
liberalized to a point where virtually all mortgage loan applications were
approved without regard to credit worthiness or income qualification of the
borrowers. In 2003, exotic
loan programs such as zero down, interest only, negative amortization, stated
income, and “no docs” sprouted profusely. Even jobless borrowers could get
a loan. On top of that,
some borrowers got “cash back” from inflated loans they arranged with home
sellers with the connivance of mortgage brokers. In effect, deregulation became a
corporate scam that involved many of the giants in the financial
industry.
When Republican Sen.
John McCain ran for president against Obama in 2008, his platform included
deregulation, which he hammered during the campaign. And by associating himself with
unpopular – and controversial – Bush policies, McCain lost the election.
Populism
vs. demagoguery
The question is: Would
the Republicans use in 2016 the two issues – lowering
taxesthat would benefit the rich and deregulation that would benefit big business – that contributed to their loss in
2008? If so, then they’re
setting their presidential nominee for a tough fight in 2016. And who would that be? Right now, no Republican could match
up to the Democrats’ favored candidate, Hillary Clinton, whose populist appeal
would blunt the Republicans’ demagogic assault.
But things could
change if the Republicans use their numerical advantage in Congress to project
an inclusive GOP as the party of Lincoln and not as an uncompromising
take-no-prisoner rightwing party.
And looking at the
current crop of Republican presidential wannabes, there are two of them who
could pursue a moderate course. But
the problem is that a “moderate” Republican candidate would have difficulty
winning in the Republican primaries. Not since the Barry Goldwater debacle
of 1964 – who said, “Extremism
in the defense of liberty is no vice” -- had another ultra-conservative won the
party’s nomination.
Moderate
Republicans
Which makes one
wonder: Are there any Republicans with presidential ambitions who are capable
of taking a moderate path in 2016? Two
nationally known Republicans come to mind – New Jersey governor Chris Christy
and former Florida governor Jeb Bush. But
the problem is: they both have excess baggage to carry around. Christy is beset
by scandals in his state while George Bush’s failed leadership has stigmatized
his brother Jeb Bush. If
Jeb could clear that stigma while pursuing an immigration reform that’s
attractive to Latinos – Jeb is married to a Latina -- and palatable to
conservatives, he just might make it. But
a third Bush presidency in quarter of century would be perceived as dynastic
that wouldn’t bode too well with Americans.
With all things
considered, the mid-term elections could be a harbinger of a Republican victory
in 2016. However, it could
also be their Waterloo if they waste their numerical superiority in the next
two years. One can
then say that the party who wins the presidency in 2016 had won the midterm
elections in 2014. My
Republican friend was then right when he said: “The GOP didn’t lose, but it
didn’t win either.” Yes,
indeed.
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