PERRYSCOPE
Perry Diaz
Perry Diaz
Once enemies, the U.S.
and Vietnam have become friends over the course of four
decades. While it did not happen overnight, what transpired was a
slow process of rapprochement between the two countries. It took two
generations of Vietnamese and Americans to set aside the bitterness they both
have on each other. Why not?
More than 58,000
American and 282,000 South Vietnamese soldiers were killed from 1955 to
1975. North Vietnam and the Viet Cong suffered 444,000 military
casualties and 627,000 civilian deaths.
After the fall of
Saigon, tens of thousands of South Vietnamese civilians and former soldiers
fled the country. Known as “boat people,” the refugees used boats of
all sizes to escape the North Vietnamese communists. They migrated
to other countries, in particular the nearby Philippines where the government
resettled them.
However, the U.S. was
their country of choice; thus, the process of looking for sponsors
began. American families opened their homes and welcomed
them. Eventually, most of them were able to find jobs and own their
homes. Over time, the Vietnamese immigrants were allowed to petition
for family members provided that they have jobs and financial capability to put
them up. By 2014, 1.3 million Vietnamese immigrants resided in the
U.S.
Beyond the
strong affinity displayed by the Vietnamese people toward their former enemies,
government-to-government relations between the U.S. and Vietnam improved
considerably. Cultural and economic ties progressed at a pace that
surpassed the most optimistic expectations.
Obama and Vietnam
On July 25, 2013, the
historic meeting between President Barack Obama and his Vietnamese counterpart
Truong Tan Sang in Washington, DC broke new ground in U.S.-Vietnam bilateral
relations. Obama and Truong decided to form a U.S.-Vietnam
Comprehensive Partnership, which underlined the principles of “respect for
the U.N. Charter, international law, and each other’s political systems,
independence, sovereignty, and territorial integrity.” The two
leaders pledged that their countries would continue to cooperate on defense and
security matters.
On May 23, 2016, Obama visited Hanoi and announced that the U.S. would fully lift a longstanding embargo on lethal arms sale to Vietnam, a decision that may have been precipitated by China’s military build-up in the South China Sea (SCS). Obama said that the lifting of the arms embargo “will ensure Vietnam has access to the equipment it needs to defend itself and removes a lingering vestige of the Cold War.”
On May 23, 2016, Obama visited Hanoi and announced that the U.S. would fully lift a longstanding embargo on lethal arms sale to Vietnam, a decision that may have been precipitated by China’s military build-up in the South China Sea (SCS). Obama said that the lifting of the arms embargo “will ensure Vietnam has access to the equipment it needs to defend itself and removes a lingering vestige of the Cold War.”
Recently, Vietnamese
Prime Minister Nguyen Xuan Phuc visited President Donald J. Trump in the White
House. His visit is significant because there have been perceptions
that Vietnam was leaning to China, and the U.S. is veering away from the
Indo-Asia-Pacific region. This caused many countries in the region –
including Vietnam and the Philippines – to move closer to China. The leaders of
the other eight ASEAN countries are adjusting their alignment as
well. They’re preparing themselves in the event that Trump would
leave the region altogether.
Trump and Vietnam
But the U.S. visit of
Nguyen has changed all that. Nguyen was the first ASEAN leader to
visit Washington, DC since Trump was inaugurated president. With the
meeting of Trump and Nguyen in the White House on May 31, it was evident that
Trump is not reversing the course of U.S. policy in the Indo-Asia-Pacific
region. The “Pivot to Asia” that Obama started may have changed in
name, but the objectives are the same: to protect U.S. interests in the
Indo-Asia-Pacific region.
The meeting between
the two leaders produced a joint statement to “Enhance the Comprehensive
Partnership between the U.S. and Vietnam.” Their joint statement
reiterates that the “United States is a ‘Pacific power with widespread
interests and commitments throughout the Asia Pacific.’
It maintains all
elements of the U.S.-Vietnam Comprehensive Partnership that was established
during the Obama administration. It goes a step further, stating that President
Trump and Prime Minister [Nguyen] Phuc are committed to making the partnership
‘deeper, more substantive, and more effective.’ For the first time the two
former enemies stress at the summit level their ‘pledge to strengthen
cooperation in the fields of security and intelligence.’ ”
Which makes one
wonder: Is this just another diplomatic hyperbole or does it seem like it would
lead to stronger defense and economic ties between the two
countries?
While a defense treaty
would not be politically feasible at this time as it would certainly irk China
and would also affect Vietnamese-Russian security relations, an arrangement
similar to the U.S.-India Logistics Exchange Memorandum of Agreement (LEMOA)
just might do the work. But while LEMOA might fall short of a
“basing agreement,” it gives the militaries of both countries access to each
other’s facilities for supplies and repair. It’s a good start that
could lead to a de facto – if not official – defense
arrangement.
With this new
U.S.-Vietnam Enhanced Comprehensive Partnership, the two countries would be
able to deter China’s aggressive behavior in the SCS; thus, protect Vietnam’s
EEZ from Chinese encroachment. Indeed, what is at stake is Vietnam’s
economic interest in the SCS.
Defense cooperation
and the SCS issue were prominently addressed in the joint
statement. Trump and Nguyen affirmed that the SCS is a “waterway of
strategic significance.” They also discussed the possibility of a
visit to a Vietnamese port – Cam Ranh Bay -- by a U.S. aircraft carrier and
steps to further cooperation between their two naval forces.
Vietnam will never
forget the Battle of the Paracel Islands in 1974 when China occupied the
islands, which are claimed by Vietnam. Vietnam attempted to expel
the Chinese Navy from the vicinity. A battle ensued and the Chinese
forces prevailed. China established de facto control over the
Paracels. However, Vietnam maintained her claim over the Paracels to
this day.
A “first” in
U.S.-Vietnam relations
In 2014, China
deployed her biggest oil rig into Vietnam’s exclusive economic zone
(EEZ). Vietnam then sent to the U.S. her number two man on the
ruling Politburo, Executive Secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam Dinh
The Huynh. That was a “first” in U.S.-Vietnam relations.
Indeed, for the
most part of the last two decades, the Philippines and Singapore led the rest
of ASEAN in engaging the U.S. With the rift that Philippine
President Rodrigo Duterte has with the U.S., the Philippines has cocooned
herself into isolation. With the vacuum created by the Philippines,
Vietnam would be more than willing to play a key role in engagement with the
U.S.
As a sign of
closer U.S.-Vietnam military ties, the U.S. transferred six patrol boats to the
Vietnam Coast Guard last May. The U.S. embassy released a statement,
which said, “The handover represented deepening cooperation to maritime
law enforcement and humanitarian assistance in Vietnam’s territorial waters and
exclusive economic zone.”
At the recently
concluded Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, U.S. Defense Secretary James Mattis
said during his address to some 500 delegates: "The US can't accept
Chinese actions that impinge on the interests of the international
community, undermining the rules-based order that has benefited all countries
represented here today including, and especially, China.”
He added that while
conflict with China is not "inevitable," the two countries will
engage in competition. And that’s where Uncle Sam needs
reliable allies to compete with China, which begs the question: Is Vietnam
emerging as Uncle Sam’s newest ally in the Indo-Asia-Pacific region? (PerryDiaz@gmail.com)
No comments:
Post a Comment