Perryscope
>> Thursday, September 22, 2016
PERRYSCOPE
By Perry Diaz
By Perry Diaz
If not for
three major mistakes, the Philippines would be strong today – politically,
economically, and militarily. We could have taken the place of South Korea as
the 11th biggest economic power or even Japan as the third biggest economic
power. While Japan and the Philippines were devastated in World War II and
South Korea ruined during the Korean War, Japan and South Korea were reborn –
like the Phoenix of lore – from the ashes of war. But the Philippines never
did. Instead it fell down the economic ladder and became an economic basket
case.
In 1966, the Philippines was the second most progressive
country in Southeast Asia next to Japan. The ratio of how many times bigger
Japan’s GDP per capita is against the Philippines was five then. In 1976, the
ratio was 13.
The two events that may have contributed to the
Philippines’ economic decline were the martial law in 1971 and the expiration
of the Laurel-Langley Agreement in 1974. It was then that the Philippines came
to be known as the “Sick Man of Asia” and stagnated in the company of Third
World countries while other Asian countries enjoyed the bounty of what came to
be known as “tiger economy.”
The Philippines tried to compete with the tiger economies
but didn’t have the infusion of capital from foreign investors needed to fuel
the economy. Thus, the country was hamstrung by lack of capital to build her
manufacturing base and generate exportable products just like what the tiger
economies were doing.
So why am I saying all these? What was my point? As I
postulated earlier, the Philippines could have been at par or better in
economic terms with South Korea or even Japan if not for three major mistakes
in her history.
First mistake
The first mistake was the premature granting of
independence to the Philippines. Through the insistence – and lobbying — of
nationalist Filipino politicians led by Manuel L. Quezon, the United States
enacted the Tydings-McDuffie Act in 1934, officially known as the Philippine
Independence Act. This Act established the process for the Philippines, then an
American colony, to become an independent country after a ten-year period. That
would have been in 1945. Tydings-McDuffie also established the Commonwealth of
the Philippines, a transitional government prior to independence. Quezon became
the president of the Commonwealth. But nobody predicted that the Japanese would
invade and occupy the Philippines during World War II.
When the war ended in 1945, the ten-year transition as
provided by Tydings-McDuffie ended; thus, independence would have been granted.
However, due to the devastation suffered by the Philippines, independence was
postponed for one year to allow the country to recover. And this is where the
first mistake occurred. Some political leaders pushed for postponement for five
or 10 years to allow for rehabilitation of the country. However, the
nationalists insisted on independence right away. They prevailed and
independence was granted on July 4, 1946.
Second mistake
The second mistake was the failure of the Philippines to
extend the life of the Laurel-Langley Agreement that amended the Bell Trade Act
of 1946, known as the Philippines Trade Act. The Act was designed to set
conditions on the Philippine economy and link it to the U.S. economy. The Act
also had a provision – known as “parity” clause — that granted U.S. citizens
equal economic rights with Filipinos.
In 1947, the Philippine Constitution was amended to
include these parity rights, which was voted by a 78.89% majority in a national
plebiscite. Many Filipino politicians supported the Parity Amendment because of
the economic benefits it created while the country was recovering from World
War II. However, it was controversial among the nationalistic Filipinos because
the Philippine Constitution said that the country’s natural resources should
only be for Filipinos.
In 1955, the Laurel-Langley Agreement was signed. The
agreement gave full parity rights to American citizens, business corporations,
and investors giving them access to 100% ownership in all areas of the economy.
It also made parity privileges reciprocal; thus reducing tariffs on Philippine
products exported to the U.S. But the nationalists said that it served foreign
interests while exacerbating poverty.
The Agreement expired in 1974 during the Marcos
dictatorship. With its expiration, it ended the U.S. authority to control the
exchange rate of the Philippine Peso, which was tied at a fixed rate to the
U.S. dollar. When the Agreement expired, the exchange rate of the Peso
increased drastically. Today, it fluctuates around 45 pesos to the dollar.
And the worst part was the country closed its doors to globalization,
which is what countries like Japan, South Korea, and the other tiger economies
have embraced. In retrospect, the parity rights may have been the precursor to
globalized economy, where trade barriers are systematically removed.
Third mistake
The third mistake was the Philippine Senate’s rejection
of the retention of U.S. bases in the Philippines. In 1991, the Senate voted by
a razor-thin majority — 12-11 — not to renew the bases agreement. The following
year, after attempts were made to keep the bases, the U.S. withdrew all her
forces.
US Flag lowered and Philippine flag raised during
turnover of Subic Bay Naval Base.
Two years later, China occupied the Panganiban (Mischief)
Reef, which was within the Philippines’ Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ). Over the
protest of the Philippine government, China built structures on stilts, saying
they would be used to shelter fishermen. In 1999, China added more structures,
which appeared to look like military fortification.
In 2012, China grabbed Scarborough Shoal and prevented
Filipinos from fishing in its environs. A year later, she started building
artificial islands around seven rocks and reefs in the Spratly Islands, all
within the Philippines’ EEZ. Today, satellite photos show runways, harbors,
lighthouses, and buildings on these islands. Obviously, China is in the process
of militarizing the seven artificial islands.
The question is: If these three historical mistakes did
not happen, what would the Philippines be like today?
Had Philippine independence been postponed for 10 years,
it would have given the country time and opportunity to recover just like Japan
and South Korea did after they were devastated by war. They were smart to put
themselves under the military protection of the U.S. and avail of American
economic patronage and trade preferences.
Meanwhile, with no warships and warplanes, the
Philippines was helplessly at the mercy of foreign invaders. Yet, after losing
Scarborough Shoal and the Spratlys to China, you’d think that the Philippine
leaders are now keen to realize what could be best for the country? It doesn’t
seem like it. The politicians are still fighting their little turfs among
themselves and our national leaders are so protective of the country’s
sovereignty and national interests from perceived American interference in our
internal affairs. But they wouldn’t hesitate to remind America of her treaty
obligations to defend the Philippines from foreign invasion.
But the challenge the Philippines is facing now is how to
avoid making the fourth mistake, which is how to deal with China vis-à-vis the
territorial disputes in the South China Sea. The Permanent Court of
Arbitration’s (PCA) ruling that invalidated China’s “nine-dash line” claim and
has no historical rights to the South China has placed the Philippines in the
driver’s seat in any bilateral negotiations including pursuing legal action in
the international court. Let’s not lose that hard-earned victory.
While we cannot turn back the wheel of history, we can
chart our future by looking back at our history. As someone once said, “Those
who cannot learn from history are doomed to repeat it.”
(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)
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