PERRYSCOPE
Perry Diaz
THE
MASSACRE that killed nineteen students and two teachers in Uvalde, Texas last
May 24, has sent shockwaves across America. The killer was an
18-year old kid, Salvador Ramos—a high school dropout—who barricaded himself
inside a fourth-grade classroom before fatally shooting 21
people. According to the Texas Department of Public Safety,
the shooter walked into the elementary school ‘unobstructed’ through a door
that was apparently unlocked and nobody confronted him.
It
all began when the shooter posted on social media that he shot his grandmother
in the face. Then posted saying he’ll shoot up an elementary school
without naming the school. Within 15 minutes he drove to Robb Elementary School
where the shooting occurred.
Bloody
timeline
The gunman took his
grandmother's truck and crashed it just outside of Robb Elementary
School. At around 11:30 a.m., he took an AR-15-style rifle and a
backpack with him and went to enter the school. Another rifle was later discovered
in his truck. The shooter was wearing a plate carrier but not
ballistic armor.
At the school, the
shooter first encountered school resource officers but made it inside the
school through a back door. He walked down the hallways before
entering a classroom. The gunman then began firing at the
students. It’s not clear how many students and teachers were
killed at that point.
At 11:35 a.m., two
school police officers and five Uvalde officers rushed inside the
school. Bullets grazed two of the officers. The door was
closed at that point.
At
11:37 a.m., 16 more shots were fired. A few seconds later, police heard another
shot. More shots were fired at 11:38 a.m., 11:40 a.m. and 11:44 a.m.
At
12:03 p.m., a terrified teacher called 911. She was inside room 112, she
whispered.
By
that time, there were as many as 19 officers inside the building. At
12:10 p.m., the teacher called back. The gunman had killed several of her
students.
She
called again, three minutes later, and again at 12:16 p.m.
Eight or nine of her students were still alive, she said.Minutes later, at
12:19 p.m., a child in the adjacent classroom called 911. The call was brief:
she ended it when another student told her to hang up.
At
least two more calls came in over the following 22 minutes. The last one, from
a student, lasted several minutes as the child stayed on the line, trying to
quietly whisper updates to the dispatcher.
By
then, frantic parents had gathered outside the school, urging police to act.
Instead, video showed officers preventing parents from trying to get to the
school, and in some cases, handcuffing parents.
Inside
the school, officers searched for a janitor so they could get a master key to
open the locked door, and waited for more highly trained, heavily armed SWAT
operators from Border Patrol’s elite BORTAC squad. Why didn’t the
police force their way inside the classroom? Nineteen armed police
officers didn’t have the courage to do so? They ought to be fired!
At
12:21 p.m., the gunman fired three shots; the sounds were audible in one of the
911 calls dispatchers received. It was at that moment when members
of Border Patrol’s BORTAC unit arrived, with ballistic shields. But
still, officers took no action.
At
12:43 p.m., the girl who had remained on the line told dispatchers that the
gunman shot the door. Students could hear the police next door, she
said. She pleaded with police to come help.
At
12:47 p.m., after more than an hour huddled in terror among the bodies of her
murdered classmates, the girl made the same plea again.
“Please,”
she said, “send the police now!”
Police
finally unlocked the door at 12:50 p.m. and killed the gunman. They began
pulling students out moments later. But 19 students lay slaughtered, along with
two teachers. Seventeen others were seriously injured; and in the
days after, the husband of one of the murdered teachers would suffer a heart
attack and die, leaving their four children orphans.
Spate of killings
The massacre was the
deadliest shooting at a U.S. grade school since the massacre that killed 20
children and six adults at Sandy Hook Elementary School in Newton, Connecticut,
a decade ago. Ten days prior to the Texas shooting, a gunman killed
10 Black people at a supermarket in Buffalo, New York.
The spate of killings
has raised concerns that too many assault rifles are in circulation across the
nation, which led someone to say, “If Children Aren’t Safe at School Where Are
They Safe?” All too often, school children are being killed across
America and nothing is being done. Congress refused to act, all
because they don’t want to touch the Second Amendment.
Texas
authorities on Wednesday said they were still seeking answers about a possible
motive and what sparked the attack from a man who had no criminal adult record
and no known mental health history.
It
was revealed that the gunman recently purchased two semi-automatic rifles on
separate dates, on May 17, the day after he turned 18 and on May 20. He also
purchased 375 rounds of 5.56 ammunition, and seven 30-round magazines. Four
days later he murdered 21 people.
Abbott’s
press conference
At
a press conference, Texas Governor Gregg Abbott insisted that since Texas
became a state it’s been legal for 18-year-olds to buy long guns.
But
long guns of today are often semi-automatic, which did not exist 200 years
ago. What we have now are “killing machines,” not hunting rifles
like they used then.
Fred Guttenberg, whose
daughter Jaime was murdered in the Parkland school shooting, blasted
Abbott, saying, “The governor seems completely unable to understand that he can
easily make a distinction when you’re talking about whether an 18-year-old
should buy an assault rifle or not. And all he cares about is a century of
history in Texas on long guns. We didn’t have AR-15 style assault weapons back
then. He can easily make a distinction and say, ‘you can go hunting, here
are the rifles you can do, you can buy, you can possess – and here’s an
assault-style rifle.'”
“If he (Abbott) thinks
that people are stupid and unable to understand that there is a clear
distinction between a killing machine and a hunting rifle, that he’s taking us
all for fools.” Yesterday, Vice
President Kamala Harris called on Congress to pass assault rifle
legislation. But with the grip the National Rifle Association had on
Republicans, it is doubtful if it would ever come to pass.
Assault rifles were
once banned in 1994 when then-president Bill Clinton signed the Federal Assault
Weapons Ban. But Congress let it expire after the 10-year sunset was
reached. Congress let the bill expire because many Democrats that supported the
ban didn't have the majority they needed for a vote.
At the end of the day,
it is hoped that the Uvalde massacre would awaken America. It’s time for
Congress to take the bull by the horn and pass legislation banning the use of
assault rifles. It’s time to stop the carnage in America. (PerryDiaz@gmail.com)
Roe
v. Wade under siege!
Perry Diaz
IT
ALL BEGAN WHEN a Supreme Court draft opinion leaked out that Roe v. Wade will
be stricken down. Justice Samuel Alito’s "sweeping and blunt
draft majority opinion" striking down Roe v. Wade and the
constitutional right to abortion remains the Supreme Court's "only
circulated draft in the pending Mississippi abortion case." And
there are no dissenting draft opinions circulating among the justices, which
means that national abortion rights appears imminent.
With
six conservatives on the high court right now, it’s conceivable that Chief
Justice John Roberts—usually a swing voter—would cast a dissenting vote that
would end in a slim majority 5-4 vote. However, he could introduce
an amendment that would water down the ruling and lessen the impact of the
decision. He might even be able to convince another justice to go
along with his amendment; thus, ending up with something that is palatable to
the liberal justices. That’s just the way politics at the Supreme Court
work. But still it’s politics at play.
Roe
v. Wade was a landmark decision passed in 1973 in which the Court ruled that
the Constitution of the United States protects a pregnant woman's liberty to
choose to have an abortion without excessive government restriction. The
decision struck down many U.S. federal and state abortion laws.
Alito’s
draft opinion
In
Alito’s 98-page argument, he wrote that Roe v. Wade should be overruled because
the Constitution “makes no reference to abortion, and no such right is
implicitly protected by any constitutional amendment, including the one on
which defenders of Roe … now chiefly rely — the Due Process Clause of the Fourteenth
Amendment, which states: “No State shall make or enforce any law which shall
abridge the privileges or immunities of citizens of the United States; nor
shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or property, without due
process of law; nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal
protection of the laws.”
Alito
then went on to differentiate between abortion and other rights guaranteed by
the 14th Amendment, writing that the procedure is “fundamentally different …
because it destroys ... what the law now before us describes as an ‘un-born
human being.’”
Clearly,
the mention of abortion would immediately spark controversy, regardless of
which side you’re with. Majority of American women are very
protective of their reproductive rights while a small minority driven by their
religious beliefs are against abortion and they are as well pretty vocal about
it.
Abortion
rights bill fails
In
an attempt to pre-empt Alito’s anticipated opinion, Senate Democratic leaders
introduced a bill—Women’s Health Protection Act—that would enshrine abortion
rights in federal law. The bill failed in a 49-51 vote with all 50
Republican senators, along with Democratic Sen. Joe Manchin
opposing. But even if all the Democrats had voted for the bill, it
would still fail to pass because it didn’t have enough support to overcome the
60-vote filibuster threshold. If passed, the bill would have
protected abortion access across the country and ensured the procedure remains
legal in every state without additional restrictions.
Manchin,
an abortion opponent who represents a conservative state, said he voted against
the bill because it went further than just codifying Roe v. Wade into federal
law. He said the proposal “expands abortion.” He said he
had been “pro-life all my life” but did believe in some exceptions to abortion
bans. “And with that, that's not where we are today," he said.
"We should not be dividing this country further. We're already
divided." He just divided it by voting against the bill.
Republican
Sens. Susan Collins of Maine and Lisa Murkowski of Alaska, who said they
support abortion rights and have offered a more narrowly tailored piece of
legislation to codify Roe, also voted against Wednesday's bill.
The
vote demonstrated the Senate’s inability to pass important legislation like the
Build Back Better bill, which failed on a 49-51 vote that didn’t require a
60-vote filibuster threshold. Again, it was Manchin who dealt a
blow.
If
Roe v. Wade is overturned, 13 states with so-called trigger laws, poised to go
into effect if the Supreme Court strikes down Roe v. Wade, the time of
restricted access to birth control is unfolding in states that narrowly define
when life begins. Some states are even considering legislation that
would limit the kinds of birth control residents can acquire.
Some
conservative lawmakers wasted no time signaling they were looking into
restricting or banning certain types of emergency contraception, such as Plan B
and certain types of intrauterine devices—IUDs—could be restricted, or other
morning-after pills that can be used within 72 hours of intercourse to prevent
pregnancy.
In
Louisiana, legislation was introduced that would classify abortion as a
homicide and define “personhood” as beginning from the moment of fertilization. Anything
that would prevent a fertilized egg from turning into a pregnancy and being
born into a baby could be considered a homicide. And abortion
providers would be prosecuted as criminals.
With
all the maneuverings in the Senate, the Women’s Health Protection bill doesn’t
have a chance of seeing the light of day. It has unnecessarily
become too controversial that Republican women senators junked the
bill. So what’s next?
At
this point in time, it doesn’t seem that Congress would ever pass anything that
resembles the Women’s Health Protection bill, which means that the Supreme
Court’s draft opinion to strike down Roe v. Wade will soon be deliberated by
the justices. And unless Chief Justice John Roberts can come up with
a anti-abortion ruling that can get the support of one more justice, which
would give them a slim 5-4 majority decision. Otherwise, if the Supreme Court
fails to fashion a palatable anti-abortion decision – like something that would
legitimize abortion of pregnancies caused by rape or incest.
At
the end of the day, unless the Senate gets its act together, Roe v. Wade will
soon cease to be the law of the land. Yes, Roe v. Wade is
under siege in America!
(PerryDiaz@gmail.com)
Quo vadis, Donald
Trump?
Perry Diaz
BEATEN
AND DISGRACED in November 2016 by Democrat Joe Biden, former president Donald
Trump wants a comeback in 2024. He’s been holding rallies in various
cities around the country, bringing together a cultic following among
Republicans.
Initially, he managed
to demonstrate his hold on Republicans who see him as the leader that would
lead them to victory in the forthcoming midterms in
November. But not all Republicans are beholden to
him.
There is a growing
number of Republicans who want to see another Republican lead the GOP to
recover the White House in 2024. And there are at least a dozen
presidential wannabes who’ll be running in Republican primaries challenging
Trump.
While it is most likely
at this time that Trump is still the man to beat in the primaries, there is
likelihood that one of them would emerge the leader in the pack, which begs the
question: Who would that be?
Electability
The answer depends on
several factors, foremost of which is: Electability.
There are a few at this
time who would be considered “electable” someone who could face up to Trump in
state primaries. Two come to mind: Representatives Liz Cheney
and Adam Kinzinger. Kinzinger mocked the celebrated MAGA firebrand
Representative Madison Cawthorn’s defeat over his defeat by “RINOs”—Republicans
In Name Only—in last Tuesday’s primary election in North
Carolina. Cawthorn, a first-time congressman, is a pro-Trump
who vowed to defeat the “RINOs” who had set out to defeat
him. Humbled by his defeat, Cawthorn immediately conceded defeat a
few hours after the polls closed.
However, Kinzinger has
been targeted by right-wing Republicans for his criticism of
Trump. He announced his retirement after voting to impeach Trump for
inciting the attack on the Capitol. But he made clear that he’s not
running away from the political arena. “This isn't the end of my
political future, but the beginning," he said in his retirement announcement
video.
Kinzinger launched a
PAC earlier this year, dubbed "Country First," to challenge the GOP's
embrace of Trump's election lies and root out what Kinzinger has described as a
"cancer" inside the party.
Kinzinger is reportedly
“actively weighing whether to seek his political fortunes in the Senate, the
Illinois governor's mansion or even the White House, despite serious questions
about whether there's any future at all for a Donald Trump critic like him in
today's GOP.” But Cawthorn’s defeat promises to elevate Kinzinger’s
viable political future.
Declaration of war
Meanwhile, Liz Cheney
raised eyebrows when she announced she’s going to New Hampshire in
November. There is only one reason why someone would go to New
Hampshire – to test the political water for a possible run for the presidency.
As early as last April
Cheney had left the door open to a presidential bid in 2024. "I'm not
ruling anything in or out — ever is a long time,” she said. Shortly
after being removed from her third ranking post in House leadership for her
criticism of Donald Trump, Cheney reportedly said she “would do ‘whatever it
takes’ to ensure that Trump was not the Republican standard-bearer in
2024.” Does it seem like it’s a declaration of war? You
bet.
Trump was angry that
Cheney was one of 10 House Republicans who voted to impeach him for his role in
the January 6 riot at the U.S. Capitol. He has called Cheney a
“warmonger” and a “disloyal Republican.” He has endorsed a
primary challenger to Cheney and is promising to defeat her.
Cheney has not backed
down in the face of Trump's assault. Instead, she has rallied the
GOP establishment.
Reportedly, “former
President George W. Bush is set to hold a fundraiser to benefit Cheney in
October in Dallas and she has also received campaign contributions from Senate
Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, as well as former House Speakers John Boehner
and Paul Ryan. Cheney has already raised more than $3.4 million this year and
had nearly $2.9 million left in the bank, according to her last campaign finance
report.” Not bad for a warmonger and disloyal Republican, which just
shows the deep division among GOP stalwarts, particularly those who don’t want
a Trump resurgence leading to 2024.
If Cheney wins her
primary next year, she would emerge in GOP circles as the one who slayed the
Trump dragon. She will prove that standing up to Trump doesn’t have
to be a death sentence for a Republican elected official.
Trump’s Waterloo
As a matter of fact,
Georgia might prove to be where Trump would meet his Waterloo on March
24. Early on, Trump has endorsed former Senator David Purdue against
incumbent Governor Brian Kemp, who is leading by 32-point margin against
Purdue. Incidentally, former Vice President Mike Pence has endorsed
Kemp, a smart move to line himself up against Trump’s
candidate. Another prominent Republican who is supporting Kemp is
former New Jersey Governor Chris Christie, who will join Kemp in his campaign
before the primary.
Purdue’s defeat would
be the latest sign that a Trump endorsement would not guarantee a candidate’s
victory. A case in point was Representative Madison Cawthorn’s
primary defeat. The young firebrand lost to state Senator Chuck Edwards after
an aggressive attack campaign by Democrats and Republicans alike. After
his defeat, Cawthorn called for “Dark MAGA” forces to take revenge on
establishment Republicans.
Cawthorn reportedly
posted a list of people who supported him when the "establishment turned
their guns on me." The list included Trump, who pleaded for
voters to give Cawthorn a "second chance" despite "some foolish
mistakes," as well as Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene, R-Ga., Matt Gaetz,
R-Fla., Paul Gosar, R-Ariz., and Sen. Rand Paul, R-Ky., as well as others that
Cawthorn said "came to my defense when it was not politically
profitable."
Cawthorn’s supporters
should now be wary because the voters could deal them the same fate that he was
dealt with. And as Trump ponders what effect it would have on his
own fate, the die would soon be cast against him in 2024.
While it is too early
to predict Trump’s 2024 comeback, there seems to be a silent undercurrent going
on in the Republican Party that could deal him a fatal blow in
2024. The signs are growing. After Georgia,
what’s next?
But for sure, there
will be serious challenges to a Trump presidential
nomination. Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger would be at the
forefront and they would give Trump a run for his money.
At the end of the day,
Trump’s endorsed candidates might win in the primaries, but how would they fare
in the midterms and general elections? Will the American people vote
for them if they would think twice before electing Trump as president again?
Quo vadis, Donald
Trump? (PerryDiaz@gmail.com)
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