Layers of responsibility
>> Monday, November 25, 2013
PUNCHLINE
Ike
Seneres
There should be no controversy on whether Mr.
Anderson Cooper was right or wrong in his coverage of the Tacloban rescue and
relief efforts. He reported what he saw, but he probably saw it from a western
perspective.
If I am not mistaken,
he was probably looking for a local field commander whom he did not meet, and
that is the probable reason why he concluded that there was no leader on the
scene. To say however that there was no government is a bit of an exaggeration,
because government functionaries were in the field, doing what they could under
the circumstances.
As a matter of fact,
Mr. Cooper issued a follow up statement, saying that he never said that there
was “no presence of the Philippine government on the ground in Tacloban”. He
further said that he merely reported “the work that is being done and the work
that isn’t being done”, which is what a responsible journalist should do.
As a standard
operating procedure, there is always a field commander in every emergency, even
in ordinary fire and hostage situations. More often than not, it is the local
police chief who becomes the de facto field commander, not unless his role is
taken over by the provincial police director or the local mayor as the case may
be.
In some cases, the
regional police director may also take over, if the provincial governor does
not take over. The bottom line is that the government has operational layers of
responsibility that automatically kicks in the event of emergency or crisis
situations.
The government has
already admitted that there was an initial slowness in the delivery of rescue
and relief services, and so all debates about that should already stop, and the
question now is that how we could move on to do what has to be done, with the
government and the people working together.
The government never
runs out of critics in everything that it does, but given the circumstances,
these critics should just do their part in helping the disaster victims by
walking the talk, and not just by talking without any actions.
The charter of the
Philippine National Police (PNP) says that it should be national in scope, and
civilian in character. It is very clear therefore that the PNP is no longer a
military organization, and that the President of the Philippines is no longer
the Commander-in-Chief of the police forces.
Since it is national
in scope, the PNP should be able to function nationwide without waiting for
direct orders from the President. As it is organized, the PNP could very well
function given its chain of command, all the way to the top. If orders need to
be given at a higher level, the Secretary of the Department of Interior and Local
Government (DILG) could very well do that.
The President was
correct when he said that in the Philippines, the first layer of responsibility
in dealing with local emergencies is the Local Government Unit (LGU). He was
also correct when he said that the national government could take over if the
LGU is unable to function.
Further up however,
the second layer of responsibility is the provincial government, and the
national government should only take over if the provincial government is
unable to function. In the case of the present emergency, the provincial
government was apparently weakened too, and it is a good thing that the
national government already took over as soon as possible.
Funny as it is, we
elect a President who is supposed to preside over national affairs, but we
expect him to act like a local mayor. We would always expect him to be on the
scene right away each time there is an emergency, not content perhaps with the
local officials and cabinet officials who are already on the scene, supposedly
on his behalf as his alter egos.
When the World Trade
Center in New York went down after the 9-11 attack, President Barrack Obama
arrived on the scene only after ground zero was cleared. He showed up several
days later and all along, it was the local mayor who was actually in charge.
Looking at it another
way, we have a Republic, but we are behaving as if we are a municipality.
Unlike a municipal mayor, the President has an official cabinet that is
supposed to be an extension of his household, being composed of members who are
supposed to be his alter egos.
Since the President
could not be everywhere doing everything, it should be good enough that his
cabinet members are doing things for him, acting on his behalf. In theory,
these officials are not even supposed to wait for orders from the President,
even if most of us would always want to see him doing that, on national
television, no less.
Subsidiarity is an
organizing principle that is also used in political science and governance.
It is synonymous to
decentralization and delegation. What it simply means is that actions or
functions ought to be handled by the smallest, lowest or least centralized
authority capable of addressing these effectively. The Oxford English
Dictionary defines subsidiarity as “the idea that a central authority should
have a subsidiary function, performing only those tasks which cannot be
performed effectively at a more immediate or local level”.
Subsidiarity is also a
democratic principle, and the more we understand it, the more we could become
capable of strengthening our democratic government. I could understand why
public expectations are media driven, and are almost always based on the issues
that are carried on newspaper headlines.
If we are to progress
as a nation, we should become more objective rather than subjective. Our
expectations should be based more on what our institutions are supposed to do,
and not what our emotions are causing us to act, in reaction to what we see in
the headlines.
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